In addition to restructuring property rights in accordance with classical liberalism, this program aims at laying solid philosophical and social foundations for private property as an inalienable individual right and an essential condition for economic efficiency and prosperity. 

Private property is considered secondary in the Egyptian Law. Article 32 of the constitution reads: "Private Property is manifested in non-exploitative capital. The Law shall regulate the performance of its social function in service of the National Economy and within the development plan, without deviation or exploitation. In the ways of its utilization, private property should not contravene the public good of the people". While article 34 of the constitution states that "Private Property may not be confiscated except for public interest and for compensation according to the Law", Law 10/1990 on the Confiscation of Private Property for Public Interest gives government the authority to define anything as Public Interest (article 2). Moreover, private and public violations of Private Property are common under a complex and contradictory civil code and a slow and inefficient judicial system. While protection of intellectual property witnessed significant improvement after the enactment of Law 82/2002, lack of legal deterrents and public apathy render the law ineffective in many cases, especially with regard to the prevention of copyright piracy in software and computer-based entertainment.

In addition to restructuring property rights in accordance with classical liberalism, this program aims at laying solid philosophical and social foundations for private property as an inalienable individual right and an essential condition for economic efficiency and prosperity. 

For Classical Liberals, the freedom of assembly and association is essential, as it provides for the space for individuals to organize themselves to achieve common goals without resort to the compulsory authority of the state. Egypt has some notorious laws on association, unionization and assembly, this project aims at annuling or amending them in a way which grants maximum freedom of assembly and association. 

Egyptians live under one of the most constrictive legal environments when it comes to the freedom of assembly and association. The constitution protects these freedoms only within "the limits of the Law", which are in fact hardly permissive. Law 10/1914 on Riotous Assembly uses vague wording that could be interpreted to declare any assembly of five or more people illegal. Laws 100/1993 and 12/1995, which deal with trade and labor unions respectively, establish a corporatist system banning union pluralism, while placing all unions and syndicates under direct government control. Law 84/2002 on association gives government the mandate to reject the establishment of associations and foundations, monitor their activities as well as dissolve them. Meanwhile, Law 40/1977 on the Regulation of Political Parties assigns the authority to deny the establishment of political parties, oversee many of their activities, temporarily suspend them and initiate their dissolution to a committee consisting of government officials and "independents" appointed by the President.

The sole objective of this program is to annul or amend these and similar codes to ensure maximum protection for freedom of assembly and association as a principal constituent of Individual Liberty. 

Freedom of Expression is not only a basic constituent of Individual Liberty, but also a necessary condition for the sustainability of all other freedoms, since it provides for the only possible means to influence the choices of others without coercion. Our legal course of action is very simple: proposing the annulment of all codes regulating freedom of speech, conscience, opinion and artistic creation, except in matters pertaining to the protection of minors. 

Freedom of Expression is not only a basic constituent of Individual Liberty, but also a necessary condition for the sustainability of all other freedoms, since it provides for the only possible means to influence the choices of others without coercion. In Egypt, while the state maintains control over all forms of expression, sometimes subtly but often blatantly, the bigger problem is that there are too few if any genuine supporters of free expression. "Liberal" advocates of freedom of speech frequently admonish the state for permitting religious discourses that undermine national unity, while the average Egyptian believes it is the unquestionable duty of government to ban the slightest offense against morality or religion and punish offenders.

That said, we need not list specific examples of the legal restrictions on freedom of expression in Egypt since our legal course of action is defined from the start: proposing the annulment of all codes regulating freedom of speech, conscience, opinion and artistic creation, except in matters pertaining to the protection of minors. This is not to say that we are personally apathetic to violations of public morality, but we believe that such violations should be countered through social activism, not by law. Therefore, for this program to achieve any success, we must not only suggest feasible methods of standing up to opposing opinions without resorting to legislation, but also argue for the ethical and practical superiority of these methods.

The reform of public administration in Egypt is an essential component of our legal approach for two main reasons. First, Egyptians are obsessed with administrative corruption, considering it to be the major reason for their miseries. Our argument for smaller government would gain considerable popularity if it was offered as a solution to corruption from an administrative perspective. Second, smaller government implies less government-sponsored jobs and services. The introduction of practical alternatives requires a thorough analysis of the administrative aspects of the present role of government.

The reform of public administration in Egypt is an essential component of our legal approach for two main reasons. First, Egyptians are obsessed with administrative corruption, considering it to be the major reason for their miseries. Our argument for smaller government would gain considerable popularity if it was offered as a solution to corruption from an administrative perspective. Second, smaller government implies less government-sponsored jobs and services. The introduction of practical alternatives requires a thorough analysis of the administrative aspects of the present role of government.

This program seeks to dissect government administration on two levels; first horizontally, by looking into the distribution of government portfolios over ministries and central agencies, and second vertically, by looking into the geographic distribution of governmental powers over localities. We then proceed to offer a comprehensive assessment of public administration on the basis of efficiency and in accordance with the recommendations of the other legal and economic programs. The final step is to present a comprehensive public discourse on administrative reform, guided by the idea that minimal government means minimal corruption.

The Rule of law stands on two pillars: a just and efficient judicial system and a public attitude of trust in and respect for the Law. Even when the executive branch of government fails to enforce the law, either deliberately or out of incompetence, a combination of judicial supervision and public vigilance is usually sufficient to restore order.

The Rule of law stands on two pillars: a just and efficient judicial system and a public attitude of trust in and respect for the Law. Even when the executive branch of government fails to enforce the law, either deliberately or out of incompetence, a combination of judicial supervision and public vigilance is usually sufficient to restore order.

Therefore, our program on the Rule of Law follows two parallel paths. First, we will scrutinize the legal structure of the Egyptian judicial system, proposing reforms that would ensure the independence and integrity of the judiciary, reasonable and expeditious litigation, and equality before the Law. Second, in cooperation with other programs, we will seek to simplify the legal codes and regulations both conceptually and linguistically. As we proceed with specific legal issues, we will promote an explanation of the rationale, concepts and objective of any particular code, ensuring maximum comprehensibility and accessibility for most Egyptians.